PART 3 THE AFTERMATHS OF THE OCCUPATION: A POLITICAL REPRESSIONS SYSTEM th Pictured: Arrest of the Crimean blogger Zair Kadyrov during the hearing on the February 26 case on January 15, 2016 tainees, in their turn, passed both civil activists to the other representatives of the so-called ‘Crimean self-defense’ who held the two men captive for 11 days. The example of impunity of the paramilitary force relates to events of June 6, 2015, when the 10 representatives of the so-called Crimean self-defense detained six climb- th ers at the 17 km of the Yalta highway. Without showing any documents and pre- 13 senting other legal justiR cation of their actions, the men led by Mikhail Horuzhy (ac- cording to the Russian media – a member of the self-defense of Sevastopol) began to inspect personal belongings of climbers. According to the latter, there were three people at the incident site at the time of police arrival. The police were followed by the investigator of Balaklava RD of the Department of MIA called by Mr. Horuzhy. The police o7 cers hand-greeted the paramilitary men, and after that the tourists turned from victims into suspects. They were asked personal information, supposedly for “checking the database”. Answering the questions of the young people the police said that “a citizen’s arrest took place”. Answering the question “Who can carry out such 14 arrests?” the investigator responded that “any conscientious citizen could” . When analyzing the system of political repressions, the basic tendencies should be noted. The following individuals automatically fall into the risk group: a) people who support the state sovereignty of Ukraine; b) people who exercise their fun- 13 http://sevstory.ru/2015/06/srochno-v-nomer-pod-sevastopolem-zaderzhali-ukrainskix-nacionalistov.html 14 http://news.allcrimea.net/news/2015/6/10/pod-sevastopolem-napali-na-gruppu-mestnyh-skalolazov-38574/ 42