the integral-nationalist wing of the twentieth-century revolution against modernity and shared much of its rhetoric and aesthetic. In the 1930s, Chava’s children did more hiking, exercising, and singing around the campfire than did their Soviet cousins; talked more about the healthy (masculine) body; communed more passionately with nature (in a year-round dacha pastoral); and spent a lot more time learning how to shoot. The Soviets were trying to create a perfect mix of Mercurianism and Apollonianism; the Zionists were trying to transform Mercurians into Apollonians. The Soviets were erasing the differences between town and country by building cities; the Zionists were overcoming the diaspora urbanism by building villages. Hodl’s children wanted to be poets, scholars, and engineers; Chava’s children wanted to be armed farmers and “Hebrew commanders.” Beilke’s children wanted to be somebody else’s children— preferably Hodl’s. If Hodl’s husband, Perchik, did indeed become a people’s commissar, publishing house director, secret police official, or a prominent Old Bolshevik, his family’s prosperity and his children’s happy childhoods were likely to end during the so- called Great Terror of 1937–38. Soviet socialism strove for complete human transparency in pursuit of equality; the full coincidence of every person’s life with the story of world revolution (and ultimately with the story of Stalin’s life as recorded in the “Short Course of the History of the All-Union Communist Party”). Having vanquished its military enemies and political opponents, destroyed all “exploiting classes,” replaced (or “reforged”) the “bourgeois specialists,” suppressed internal dissenters, nationalized both peasants and pastoralists, and built, by 1934, “the foundations of socialism,” the regime had no open and socially classifiable enemies left. Impurities persisted, however— and so, having proclaimed victory over the past, the regime turned on itself. Watched over by Stalin, committed to boundless violence, haunted by the demons of treason and contagion, and transported by the frenzy of self- flagellation and mutual suspicion, the high priests of the revolution sacrificed themselves to socialism and its earthly prophet. As Nikolai Bukharin wrote to Stalin from prison, There is something great and bold about the political idea of a general purge. . . . This business could not have been managed without me. Some are neutralized one way, others in another way, and a third group in yet another way. What serves as a guarantee for all this is the fact that people