proletarians, heartless gymnasium teachers, and fierce adolescent friendships in the face of the world’s injustice. What it does not contain—in the midst of the Pale of Settlement—are Jews (except an occasional ghostly victim or “shadow of forgotten ancestors”). There is a lot of anti-Semitism (along with other forms of injustice), and there is the intelligentsia devoted to the cause of universal equality, but there are no Jews because most Jews are members of the Russian intelligentsia and most members of the Russian intelligentsia are Jews. Such was the genealogy of most of Brushtein’s readers and the assumption behind Orlova’s quest. 197 There were other possible lineages, however. No, not Tevye: he was of no use to the late Soviet intellectuals, few of whom were curious about Judaism and virtually none of whom had any interest in shtetl culture or Yiddish literature (there could be no Soviet—i.e., anti-Soviet— Life Is with People or Fiddler on the Roof ). As far as Hodl’s children and grandchildren were concerned, the world she had come from was every bit as “frightening and suffocating” as she had always told them it was. But Hodl was not Tevye’s only daughter, and Hodl’s children and grandchildren had cousins, as well as grandparents and great-grandparents. There were, after all, two clear alternatives to Communism that could also serve as alternatives to the Soviet Jews’ precarious and—according to the state and the tribal Apollonians—illegitimate membership in the Russian intelligentsia. One was Beilke’s America as unadulterated Liberalism, or possibly Liberalism diluted with “Protestantized” Judaism (the kind that assured tribal solidarity without requiring strict ritual compliance or even a faith in God). The other was Chava’s Israel as Apollonian nationalism, or rather, Zionist Jewishness seemingly unpolluted by Tevye’s language, self-reflexivity, or religion. While young Soviet Jews were rebelling against Hodl’s left radicalism and turning toward Zionism and—especially—Capitalism, young American Jews were rebelling against Beilke’s Capitalism and turning toward Zionism and— especially—left radicalism. The Jewish participation in the radical student movements of the 1960s and early 1970s was comparable to the Jewish participation in Eastern European socialism and prewar American Communism. In the first half of the 1960s, Jews (5 percent of all American students) made up between 30 and 50 percent of SDS (Students for a Democratic Society) membership and more than 60 percent of its leadership; six out of eleven